Reality TV Formats, telewizja PDF
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Reality TV Formats: The Case of
Canadian Idol
Doris Baltruschat
Carleton University
Abstract:
This paper discusses narrative development and audience interactivity
in reality television, with a particular focus on the “format franchising
processes” involving
Canadian Idol
. The staging of media events, recruitment
of semi-professional performers, and immersive online environments emphasize
the complexities of reality format adaptation, which involves the localization of
global media texts.
Keywords:
Mass communication; Production/co-production; Broadcasting;
Internet; New media
Résumé :
Cet article traite de développement narratif et d’interactivité avec le
public à la télévision réalité tout en mettant un accent particulier sur les
« processus de franchisage de formats » entourant
Canadian Idol
. La mise en
scène d’événements médiatiques, le recrutement de chanteurs semi-professionnels
et les environnements immersifs en ligne mettent en relief les complexités requises
pour adapter un texte médiatique mondial aux particularités locales de la région où
on le diffuse.
Mots clés :
Communication de masse; Production/coproduction; Radiodiffusion;
Internet ; Nouveaux médias
The surge of reality TV programs since 2000 can be traced back to tabloid-style
documentaries, which first appeared in the late 1980s. Shows such as
America’s
Most Wanted
(Heflin & Klein, 1988),
Cops
(Langley & Barbour, 1989), and
Crimewatch
(Gay, 1984) marked a fundamental shift from programming rooted
in investigative journalism to documentaries of diversion and display (Corner,
2002). Their development was linked clearly to the emergence of multichannel
television in the 1990s, which created the need for provocative programs to
attract audiences in an increasingly competitive media environment. The pro-
liferation of reality TV in Canada is also linked to changes in television pro-
gram development, especially the emergence of “format franchising,” which is
based on the adaptation of popular program concepts for different markets
around the world (for example,
Canadian Idol
,
Canada’s Next Top Model,
and
Deal or No Deal
).
Doris Baltruschat teaches in the School of Journalism and Communication, Carleton University,
Room 468, St. Patrick’s Building, 1125 Colonel By Dr., Ottawa, ON K1S 5B6. Email:
baltruschat@shaw.ca.
Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol 34
(2009) 41-59
©2009 Canadian Journal of Communication Corporation
42
Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol 33 (4)
This article details how reality TV producers attempt to create all-enveloping
experiences that transgress the boundaries of traditional broadcasts. They accom-
plish this by staging media events and engaging audiences in online environ-
ments. One reality format in particular—
Canadian Idol
(Bowlby & Brunton,
2003)—exemplifies how franchise format localization, or “glocalization,”
1
involves the engagement of actual and virtual communities to ensure its success-
ful adaptation for Canadian audiences.
The analysis presents key findings from a three-year research project on
international co-productions and TV format franchising. The study highlights the
importance of situating reality TV within its production context. In particular, it
demonstrates the need to address the complex interplay between producers, inter-
active audiences, and cross-platform media that underlies the “format franchis-
ing” processes of programs such as
Canadian Idol
.
From documentaries to docu-soaps and game-docs
The emergence of reality TV represents a shift from what Kilborn (2003) calls the
more “serious” representation of socio-historical events to programming that is
produced predominantly for entertainment purposes. Reality programs are linked
to different documentary forms, such as documentary journalism, cinéma vérité
traditions, and the observational documentary. However, due to elements of pop-
ular entertainment programming (e.g., talk shows, game shows, and soap operas),
reality TV ultimately creates its own generic map. Hill (2005, p. 50) suggests a
fact/fiction continuum, which reflects the sliding scale of factuality in these pro-
grams. The continuum covers contemporary documentaries and popular factual
entertainment ranging from docu-soaps and game-docs to makeovers and quiz
shows.
Similarly to documentaries, reality programs aim for the “articulation of the
authentic self” in order to depict “moments of truth” (Holmes, 2004, p 159). Tele-
confessionals in designated video rooms and individual strategies for winning the
game provide intimate accounts of unfolding events. Also, slightly off-the-mark
camera angles and out-of-focus shots contribute to a sense of immediacy and inti-
macy with characters and suggest a “fly-on-the-wall” experience for viewers.
Reality TV producers aim for this “tele-factuality” (Corner, 2002, p. 257), which
is reflected in statements such as “the camera doesn’t lie, [e]specially up close”
(
Canada’s Next Top Model
, Citytv, 2006). Similarly, the executive producer of
Big Brother
states, “I wanted it to look live and exciting. . . . [T]his was not meant
to be a polished drama.
We were filming it for real
, and it was a virtue of the pro-
gramme that viewers understood that” (Ruth Wrigley, cited in Ritchie, 2000,
p. 11, italics added). Indeed, Lewis (2004) refers to a “tele-reality” into which
people from the “everyday world” are submerged to perform their role. Viewers
understand this blurring of boundaries between the public, private, and “adjacent
realities” (Lewis, 2004, p. 295). And they find pleasure in looking for moments
of “truth” that may shine through improvised performances (Hill, 2005).
Yet a closer look at the production context of reality TV reveals that such pro-
grams are highly contrived. Casting decisions and scripts linking locations and
circumstances for the purpose of creating action and conflict frame many story
lines (“Reality writer-anonymous,” 2005). A testimonial from Julia Corrigan, a
Baltruschat / Reality TV Formats: The Case of
Canadian Idol
43
contestant on the BBC/Lion TV reality series
Castaways
(Mills, 2000), highlights
this aspect of the genres:
I
hate
to admit it, but the television company obviously thought that
some people/incidents were a lot more interesting than others in terms of
storylines! Yet the darker side of that is that there was a bit of harrying
going on to get us to do the things they wanted us to do. In the latter
stages, there were lists on the wall about what we should talk about in
video diaries. We did feel that events were being manipulated. (Corrigan,
cited in Kibble-White, 2004, p. 25, emphasis in the original)
Thus, in spite of claims of “authenticity” and the showcasing of “real peo-
ple,” reality TV programs are underlain by a subtext: the behind-the-scenes pro-
duction and economic contexts that are not apparent to the viewer. Kilborn (2003)
addresses this important aspect when he comments on the production context for
Castaways
(Mills, 2000):
What was of course
not
shown . . . were the potentially far more reveal-
ing discussions between key members of the production team concern-
ing the structuring of the whole event: how the choice of specific
participants might generate certain types of dramatic conflict, how the
known likes and prejudices of the target audiences might be reflected in
a particular mix of characters and how the needs of certain embryonic
storylines might be served if certain casting decisions were made.
(Kilborn, 2003, p. 86)
Another key characteristic of reality TV production is the incitement of
“buzz” around shows in order to extend broadcasts into online environments and
conversations outside scheduled air dates (Scannell, 2002). In the late 1990s,
reality TV producers in the U.K. were the first to take advantage of new interac-
tive, cross-platform modes of production with the
Idol
and
Big Brother
formats
(Television Research Partnership, 2002; Wrigley, Powers, Green, & Jones, 2000).
Reality TV producers in the U.S. and Canada (with shows such as
American Idol
and
Canada’s Next Top Model
) now also tap into new revenue streams generated
from text-message votes, as well as downloadable ring-tones and music clips for
cellphones.
To create interest in cross-platform interactivity—from voting for contest-
ants to posting comments in chatrooms—producers use similar techniques to
those used in soap opera production: multiple story lines, which focus on human
relationships; close-up shots to connote intimacy; and heightened identification
with characters through online blogs. In addition, they use “cliff-hangers” to
entice audiences to return to the program the following week or to discuss poten-
tial outcomes with other viewers in chat rooms. Consequently, an important task
for reality TV producers is the creation of interesting story lines through casting
unusual characters and scripting dramatic narratives. In addition, producers
stage media events in the form of open auditions, which transgress the bound-
aries of regular programming and work intertextually across multiple platforms
and contexts. This point will be illustrated in more detail in the case study of
Canadian Idol.
44
Canadian Journal of Communication
, Vol 34 (1)
Stories of change and transformation
The typical plot in reality programs involves a “story of change” (Hill, 2005). The
transformation of characters is an integral part of most narrative structures, but
stories of change in game-docs and talent contests follow a particular formula:
they tend to be about attaining success through fame (usually short-lived), in
addition to prize monies (or equivalent materials and goods) and contracts with
prestigious organizations (e.g., a record company or modelling agency).
Transformation processes in these programs therefore reflect predominant values
in capitalist societies that place individual achievements above collective goals.
The narratives are limited to the portrayal of people entrenched in competitive
environments for personal gain and exclude social transformations that benefit
society as a whole. Even in programs where alliances between contestants are
encouraged, one individual’s selfish pursuit is rewarded in the end. According to
Foster (2004), “The brand of reality depicted on
Survivor
reinforced the wide-
spread notion that self-interest ultimately trumps self-reliance, just as it coincides
with the formula for successful television programming: conflict is compelling
and conflict sells” (p. 280). Similarly, reality TV producer Mark Burnett com-
ments about
Survivor
(2000), “Compelling television comes from seeing rather
ordinary people put in uncomfortable situations—social interactions, not in the
peril of their lives. The best way to describe the show is
social Darwinism
” (as
quoted in
USA Today
, 2000; italics added).
A key element in the transformation process in reality TV is the application
of consumer products to enhance a character’s physical appearance (for example,
Cover Girl cosmetics in
America’s Next Top Model
). The intertwining of dramatic
narratives and product placements links the story of change to patterns of con-
sumption. In addition, this places an emphasis on the exchange value of products
rather than their use value (Jhally, 1987). For example, on the website for
Canada’s Next Top Model
(Manuel, 2006),
2
each weekly episode is accompanied
by a “resource guide” listing sponsors, designers, and vendors that are featured
on the show. Stories of change, therefore, extend beyond the diegetic world of the
program and signal to viewers and users of interactive media (e.g., Internet,
PDAs, and video cellphones) that their own transformation can be achieved
through the consumption of featured products, thus closing the circle of viewer
identification with characters on the show.
Another narrative device is intervention by experts, often in the form of judg-
ing panels, which present obstacles, as well as opportunities, along the character’s
journey. Their presence as gatekeepers adds drama to the narrative, as they select
characters for the next stage of the contest and, ultimately, announce the winner.
Part of this admittance to the next (or final) stage is the “reveal” of the “trans-
formed character,” signifying the end of the character’s journey and the end of the
series. According to Scannell (2002), a game-doc such as
Big Brother
has “from
the start … a powerful drive toward a climactic moment of resolution” (p. 272) to
complete its narrative structure of beginning, middle, and end. In programs such
as
American Idol
(Fuller, 2002) and
Canadian Idol
(Bowlby & Brunton, 2003), the
revelation of the final winner is staged as a special television spectacle, denoting
the pinnacle of the series, which tends to draw the highest audience ratings.
Baltruschat / Reality TV Formats: The Case of
Canadian Idol
45
Idol
finales are broadcast live from special venues such as the Kodak Theatre
(used for the Academy Awards) in Los Angeles or Toronto’s Roy Thompson Hall.
They are also accompanied by special community events in the “home towns” of
contestants. For example, in 2004, 5,000 people gathered in Saskatoon’s Credit
Union Centre (formerly Saskatchewan Place) for the two-hour
Canadian Idol
finale, which was broadcast on two giant video screens. The community “came
together” for the event to celebrate its local contestant Theresa Sokyrka, runner-
up for the title of
Canadian Idol,
which ultimately went to her competitor, Kalan
Porter:
The sight of Sokyrka on the big screens continually evoked ear-splitting
screaming, clapping and cheering and some fans jumped out of their
seats to get a better look at the hometown hero. At times, Credit Union
Centre took on a New Year’s atmosphere as fans carried balloons, blew
horns, threw confetti and did the wave. (Kachkowski, 2004)
In this instance, the narrative is intertwined with familiar cultural references
and national sentiment to create maximum resonance for viewers. The result is a
strong engagement with
Canadian Idol
, which has been referred to as one of the
most watched programs in Canada’s television history (CTV, 2005).
In the lead-up to the finale, the weekly “television stage” for many reality
programs is a “self-contained space” (usually a “house” such as the
Idol
Mansion
in Toronto or “The House” on
Canada’s Next Top Model
) that is wired for video-
and sound-recording equipment to capture interactions between contestants. This
living space is a “televisual construct” (Kilborn, 2003, p. 80) that signifies the
story world in which the competition unfolds. In
Canadian Idol
and
Canada’s
Next Top Model,
the house is a grand mansion that extends the connotation of the
private luxury associated with the life of stars:
While the Idols were surely enjoying living it up in a swank downtown
hotel during the Top 22 phase of the show, it doesn’t compare to the star
treatment of the Top 10 and a spot in the exclusive Idol Mansion.
Located in a posh Toronto neighbourhood surrounded by sprawling
estates of the rich and famous, the 7-bedroom mansion has enough lux-
urious features to entertain even the most distractible Idol on a rare free
day. That includes an indoor pool, Jacuzzi, two saunas, racquetball/bas-
ketball court, home theatre, fitness room, and tennis court. (CTV, 2006a)
The mansions are depicted on program-related websites through photos and
descriptions, which invite comments from users of interactive media. The use of
a familial environment such as a house amplifies the blurred boundaries between
public and private realms and enhances viewer identification with the characters.
However, these houses are also voyeuristic settings and thus raise ethical ques-
tions about surveillance and the privacy of contestants (Andrejevic, 2004; Dovey,
2000; Glynn, 2000).
3
Program-related chatrooms provide additional entry points into the narrative.
As a result, interactive media users engage with content in a manner similar to
online communities dedicated to soap operas (Baym, 2000). These interactive
possibilities
create the impression
that viewers actually influence narrative pro-
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